【新唐人2012年3月20日讯】曾无限风光的重庆市委书记薄熙来遭到解职，很多人理解为左派从此失势，在中共高层权力之争中，自由派占得了上风。不过，政治家指出，强硬派代表──薄熙来下台，不等于对老百姓的镇压会软化。
3月15号，中共组织部长李源潮正式宣布，撤销薄熙来在重庆所担任的一系列职务。中共喉舌《新华社》也没有披露任何有关撤销薄熙来职务的理由，只是说“这次调整，是中央从当前形势和大局出发，经过慎重考虑决定的。”
《英国广播网》BBC表示，“王立军事件”现在已经明确的演化为“薄熙来事件”﹔《德国之声》则指出，重庆市委书记薄熙来遭解职，中共高层权力之争中，自由派似乎占得了上风。
海外民运人士魏京生：“他这件事牵连到中央的更大的头头，包括牵连到底下一大片的共产党的干部，所以牵扯到共产党的一场很严重的内斗。不仅仅是一个薄熙来、一个干部、一个市委书记、一个政治委员下台的问题，而牵扯到共产党内部的一种倾向，就是要恢复更专制的制度。”
也有学者说，对近来中共左右路线之争，现在有了初步结果，解除薄熙来职务是意在“打左”，为改革做铺垫。
不过，魏京生不认为中共内部有严格意义上的左派、右派、胡派、江派。他认为，现在可以把中共划分为“用镇压的手段对付老百姓的强硬派”和“想对老性让步的妥协派”，比较合适，但两者在中共内部斗的很厉害。“强硬派”是以薄熙来为代表。
魏京生：“毛派、极端镇压的这一批也不能说他们完全处于下风，因为人大刚刚通过把非法拘禁合法化的那个刑法修正案，从这一点来看，中共加强镇压的趋势还没有改变，只是薄熙来作为这一派的典型人物倒台了而已。”
魏京生指出，两会期间通过的刑法修正案将“失踪合法化”，让大陆倒退到连文革还不如，所以不能理解为“镇压派”失势了。他说，最近胡锦涛和温家宝都表现出了强硬，强调对军队的绝对指挥权，强调军队党卫军化，就说明了问题。不过，不管共产党的哪一派都看到了一个重要的问题：中共再不进行政治改革的话，老百姓就要造反了。
香港《明报》写道，王立军闯入美领馆，“重庆模式”已寿终正寝，薄熙来下台，被党内高层曾寄予厚望的“重庆模式”正式落幕。
“美国守护者同盟”主席卞和祥指出，“重庆模式”也不是薄熙来个人的心血来潮，是得到中共绝大多数常委赞同的，是为中共寻找解围困境的方法，过程中则用“唱红打黑”这样的词来掩护。
卞和祥：“重庆模式已经告诫全国人民，一旦经济政治危机来的时候，共产党就是要用重庆模式来镇压。重庆模式是一种高度的、比文革还要残酷的一种镇压民众的方式，它打击异议份子，杀害法轮功，对富人的打击其实比文革还凶。”
《德国之声》则表示，随着薄熙来下台，十八大前的权力斗争终于浮上台面，薄熙来导演的“一出政治惊悚剧暂时落幕。”
但魏京生指出，中共高层不喜欢薄熙来的哪些人，会利用这件事打击他的后台和支持他的力量，包括在中央和在社会上支持他的，都可能会受到一定的打击。
采访常春/ 编辑宋风/ 后制李若琳/
Bo’s Removal: Have Hard-liners Lost?
The once high-profile Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai
was dismissed from his position.
Many people see this as loss of the left-wing and gain
of the liberals in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
However, experts point out that Bo Xilai’s step down
does not mean CCP will soften its suppression on people.
On March 15, CCP’s representative Li Yuanchao announced
the removal of Bo Xilai from his positions in Chongqing.
CCP mouthpiece Xinhua News Agency did not disclose
any reason related to the revocation of Bo Xilai’s duties.
It just said,, “This adjustment was done after careful
consideration based on the overall situation."
BBC stated that “Wang Lijun Event” has now
clearly evolved into “Bo Xilai Incident."
Deutsche Welle pointed out, Bo’s dismissal shows liberals
maybe got the upper hand in CCP’ high-level power struggle.
Wei Jingsheng (Democracy activist outside China): “This is
linked to CCP’ higher officials and a wider net of carders.
It is a very serious internal struggle. It is not just a step down
for Bo Xilai as a cadre, party secretary, political commissar.
It also represents a tendency within the CCP,
which is to restore a more autocratic system.”
Some scholars said the disputes between the leftists
and rightists now have some preliminary results.
Getting rid of Bo Xilai is intended to “fight the leftists”
and lay the groundwork for reform.
However, Wei Jingsheng doesn’t think there are leftists,
rightists, Hu’s or Jiang’s faction within CCP in a strict sense.
He thinks now CCP is divided into “hard-liners who suppress
people” and “compromisers who want to give in to people.”
They are fiercely fighting within the CCP.
Bo Xilai is the representative of the “hard-liners.”
Wei Jingsheng: “We cannot say Maoists and their group,
favoring extreme repression are completely at a disadvantage.
Because the National People’s Congress just passed
the amendment to legalize illegal detention.
This shows CCP’s repressive trend has not changed.
Only its representative Bo Xilai was removed.”
Wei Jinsheng pointed out that the Two Sessions have passed
the Criminal Law Amendment of “legalized missing.”
This shows China went back to the Cultural Revolution age.
So we cannot interpret hard-liners as losing power, Wei said.
Recently Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao demonstrated toughness,
stressing CCP’ absolute command over the army, points Wei.
However, each CCP faction realizes an important issue:
people will rebel if CCP doesn’t carry out a political reform.
Hong Kong’s Ming Pao states that Wang Lijun’s run
to the U.S. Consulate signals Bo’s stepping down.
And Chongqing’s Model, which raised high expectations
within the CCP high levels, had formally ended.
Bian Hexiang (Chairman, Protecting U.S. Alliance):
“Chongqing Model was not established by Bo Xilai himself.
It was approved by most CCP central committee members,
to find a way out for the CCP.
Thus it was concealed as ‘singing revolutionary songs’
and ‘fighting the mafia.’”
Bian Hexiang: “Chongqing Model was to warn people, CCP
will use this to suppress them in political or economic crisis.
Chongqing Model was even more brutal
than the Cultural Revolution.
Its repression of dissidents, killing Falun Gong practitioners,
attacks on the rich are fiercer than the Cultural Revolution.”
Deutsche Welle expressed, with Bo Xilai’s stepping down,
CCP’s internal power struggle before its 18th Congress has finally come up to the surface.
A thriller directed by Bo Xilai has temporarily ended.
However, Wei Jingsheng pointed out those within the CCP
who do not like Bo Xilai will use this opportunity.
They will most likely attack Bo’s supporters
in the central and local governments.
